In recent days, it became clear that the chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission, Anton Slavchev, in an informal conversation called Ivelin Mihaylov a “fraudster” and the creator of a “50-million pyramid scheme.” This raises the question: why does a person in such a position allow himself to make such accusations while he himself remains in the shadow of serious suspicions of misconduct?

Slavchev’s name became prominent back in 2019, at the height of the “Apartmentgate” scandal. An investigation showed that as deputy chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission (CPCONPI) – the institution that is supposed to uncover corrupt real-estate schemes – he acquired a terrace of more than 240 sq. m for less than 40,000 leva. This is multiple times below the tax valuation and below the real market price for the area. The glazing alone of such an area would cost more than the price of the entire deal.

Investigations at the time also revealed something else. Discrepancies were found in Slavchev’s declarations between the declared and the actually paid amount. For a person who must oversee the correctness of asset declarations of other public officials, this is a fundamental moral problem.

At the same time, information appeared in the public domain about his wife, Zornitsa Todorova, who is said to be the former mayor of the “Novi Iskar” district from GERB. Through her company, Zornitsa won public contracts worth nearly 20 million leva. These investigations raise questions not only about how these contracts were won, but also about how ethical it is for the spouse of a senior, supposedly anti-corruption official, to receive millions from municipal and state structures.

Against this background, today Anton Slavchev accuses Ivelin Mihaylov of fraud and of running a “pyramid scheme,” even though the Historical Park is a project realised without a single lev of state funding, with voluntary investments from many people and with real assets. The moral weight of the accusations looks increasingly dubious when the accuser himself raises serious questions through his own biography.

Therefore, it is logical to ask the following questions:

What exactly is the “pyramid” - a project with real buildings, land, and infrastructure? Or a person whose own terrace is cheaper than its glazing?

Who is the fraudster? The one who creates and whose work can be seen, whose invested funds are visible? Or someone whose family has received millions from public contracts, the whereabouts of which remain unknown to this day?

Let us recall that as early as 2022, a three-year investigation into the Historical Park concluded. It had been initiated by the newspaper “Capital” through a series of defamatory articles and through signals by BSP MP Georgi Andreev. Since at that time neither Borissov nor Peevski had intervened to influence the prosecution, there was a ruling that fully exonerated the Historical Park and the people who built it. It not only exonerated them but also demonstrated their good faith and excellent conduct in their work.

This raises the question – what changed after 2022 that made the “old song sung again,” despite the closed case and the unequivocal conclusion of the prosecution? What was done to the detriment of the state, what shook the political and public life in our country so strongly that, after this clear conclusion, in 2024, a parliamentary committee was created against the Historical Park?

According to information from Ivelin Mihaylov, only a month ago, individuals connected to the Anti-Corruption Commission and the State Agency for National Security warned him that if he did not enter into a “deal” with the mafia, arrests would follow for him and the people around him. The names of these individuals and their connections will become known soon. Then society will learn how exactly moral and honest Anton Slavchev is.

Borissov, Peevski, Prokopiev, and Slavchev are apparently afraid of people who prove they are capable, because then the whole nation will understand how incapable they themselves really are.

The most important questions to which Anton Slavchev owes answers:

Who is checking his own real-estate transactions?

Why does Anton Slavchev remain silent about the real-estate schemes of Daniel Slavov – “Dunkata,” well known in Varna and associated with vote buying for GERB?

Is Anton Slavchev carrying out political orders?

Are the actions of the Anti-Corruption Commission against Ivelin Mihaylov connected to the warnings given to him by envoys of Borissov and Peevski?

What is the role of Radostin Vasilev in this picture?

Who will check the public funds absorbed by Slavchev’s wife?

And can a commission headed by a person with such a biography be perceived as an impartial anti-corruption body, or is it simply being used as a political bludgeon by Borissov and Peevski?

The story is yet to develop. Svoboden Glas will continue to follow it and inform the public about the irregularities of the “Mafia” party and their enforcers.

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